SpencedriftedtoLondon,pickedupaprecariousliving,partlybysellingbooksofarevolutionarykind,anddiedin1815,leaving,itseems,afewproselytes。AwriterofhigherliterarycapacitywasCharlesHall,aphysicianatTavistock,whoin1805publishedabookonTheEffectsofCivilisation。61Theeffectsofcivilisation,heholds,aresimplypernicious。Landedpropertyoriginatedinviolence,andhascausedallsocialevils。Agreatlandlordconsumesunproductivelyasmuchaswouldkeepeightthousandpeople。62Hegetseverythingfromthelabourofthepoor;whiletheyareforcedtostarvationwagesbytheraisingofrents。Tradeandmanufacturesareequallymischievous。IndiagetsnothingbutjewelleryfromEurope,andEuropenothingbutmuslinfromIndia,whilesomuchlessfoodisproducedineithercountry。63Manufacturesgenerallyareacauseandsignofthepovertyofnations。64
Suchsporadicprotestsagainsttheinequalitiesofwealthmaybetakenaspartsofthat’ancienttaleofwrong’whichhasinallagesbeensteamingupfromthesufferingworld,andprovokingasmilefromepicureandeities。AsOwenismadvanced,theargumenttookamoredistinctform。Mill65mentionsWilliamThompsonofCorkasa’veryestimableman,’whowasthe’principalchampion’
oftheOwenitesintheirdebateswiththeBenthamites。Hepublishedin1824abookuponthedistributionofwealth,66Itiswordy,andisapttoremainintheregionof’vaguegeneralities’justatthepointswherespecificstatementswouldbewelcome。Butbesidesthemeritofobvioussincerityandgoodfeeling,ithastheinterestofshowingveryclearlytherelationbetweentheopposingschools。ThompsonhadacommongroundwiththeUtilitarians,thoughtheyundoubtedlywouldconsiderhislogictobelooseandoverriddenbysentimentalism。Inthefirstplace,heheartilyadmiredBentham:’themostprofoundandcelebratedwriteronlegislationinthisoranyothercountry。’67Heacceptsthe’greatesthappinessprinciple’asapplicabletothesocialproblem。HearguesforequalityuponBentham’sground。Takeapennyfromapoormantogiveittotherichman,andthepoormanclearlylosesfarmorehappinessthantherichmangains。WithBentham,too,headmitstheimportanceof’security,’andagreesthatitisnotalwayscompatiblewithequality。
Amanshouldhavethefruitsofhislabour;andthereforethemanwholaboursmostshouldhavemost。But,unlikeBentham,heregardsequalityasmoreimportantthansecurity。Tohimthemainconsiderationisthemonstrousmassofevilresultingfromvastaccumulationsofwealthinafewhands。
Inthenextplace,headaptstohisownpurposetheRicardiantheoryofvalue。Allvaluewhatever,heargues,iscreatedbylabour。Thelabourer,heinfers,shouldhavethevaluewhichhecreates。Asthingsare,thelabourerpartswithmostofittothecapitalistortheownerofrents。Thecapitalistclaimsarighttothewholeadditionalproductionduetotheemploymentofcapital。Thelabourer,ontheotherhand,mayclaimarighttothewholeadditionalproduction,afterreplacingthewearandtearandallowingtothecapitalistenoughtosupporthiminequalcomfortwiththeproductivelabourers,68Thompsonholdsthatwhileeithersystemwouldbecompatiblewith’security,’thelabourer’sdemandissanctionedby’equality。’
Inpointoffact,neithersystemhasbeenfullycarriedout;butthelabourer’sviewwouldtendtoprevailwiththespreadofknowledgeandjustice。WhilethusanticipatinglaterSocialism,hediffersonasignificantpoint。Thompsoninsistsupontheimportanceof’voluntaryexchange’asoneofhisfirstprinciples。Nooneistobeforcedtotakewhathedoesnothimselfthinkafairequivalentforhislabour。Here,again,hewouldcoincidewiththeUtilitarians,They,notlessthanhe,wereforfreetradeandtheabolitionofeverykindofmonopoly。Butthatviewmayleadbyitselftothesimpleadoptionofthedo-nothingprinciple,or,asmodernSocialistswouldsay,tothemoreeffectualplunderofthepoor。ThemodernSocialistinfersthatt"m.kanbaapp点com"hemeansofproductionmustbeinsomewaynationalised。Thompsondoesnotcontemplatesuchaconsummation。Hedenounces,likealltheRadicalsoftheday,monopoliesandconspiracylaws。SinecuresandstandingarmiesandStatechurchesarethestrongholdsoftyrannyandsuperstition。The’hereditarypossessionofwealth’isoneofthemaster-evils,andwithsinecureswilldisappearthesystemsofentailsandunequaldistributionofinheritance。69Suchinstitutionshaveencouragedtheuseoffraudandforce,andindirectlydegradedthelabourerintoahelplessposition。Hewouldsweepthemallaway,andwiththemalldisqualificationsimposeduponwomen。70Thisoncedone,itwillbenecessarytoestablishauniversalandthoroughgoingsystemofeducation。Thenthepoorman,freedfromtheshacklesofsuperstitionanddespotism,willbeabletoobtainhisrightsasknowledgeandjusticespreadthroughthewholecommunity,thedesiretoaccumulateforselfishpurposeswillitselfdisappear。
Thelabourerwillgetallthathecreates;theaggregatewealthwillbeenormouslymultiplied,thoughuniversallydiffused;andtheformtakenbythenewsocietywill,ashearguesatgreatlength,bethatofvoluntaryco-operativeassociationsuponOwen’sprinciples。
Theeconomistswould,ofcourse,rejectthetheorythatthecapitalistsshouldhavenoprofits;
but,inspiteofthis,theymightagreetoagreatextentwithThompson’saspirations,Thompson,however,holdsthetrueSocialistsentimentofaversiontoMalthus。HedeniesenergeticallywhathetakestobetheMalthusiandoctrine:thatincreasedcomfortwillalwaysproduceincreasednumbers。71Thishasbeenthe’grandscarecrowtofrightenawayallattemptsatsocialimprovement。’Thompsonaccordinglyassertsthatincreasedcomfortalwayscausesincreasedprudenceultimately;andlooksforwardtoastationarystateinwhichthebirthswilljustbalancethedeaths。Ineednotinquireherewhichtheoryputsthecartbeforethehorse。Theoppositionpossiblyadmitsofreconciliation;buthereIonlyremarkoncemorehowMalthusstoodfortheappealtohardfactswhichalwaysprovokedtheUtopiansasmuchasitcorrespondedtothesternUtilitarianview。
Anotherwriter,ThomasHodgskin,honorarysecretaryoftheBirkbeckInstitution,whopublishedatractcalledLabourdefendedagainsttheClaimsofCapital,ortheUnproductivenessofCapitalproved1825,andafterwardsgavesomepopularlecturesonpoliticaleconomy,hasbeennoticedasanticipatingSocialistideas。Hecansee,hesays,whysomethingshouldgotothemakerofaroadandsomethingbepaidbythepersonwhogetsthebenefitofit。Buthedoesnotseewhytheroaditselfshouldhaveanything。72Hodgskinwriteswithoutbitterness,ifwithoutmuchlogic。ItisnotformetosaywhethermodernSocialistsarewelladvisedinadmittingthatthesecrudesuggestionswereanticipationsoftheirownideas。Themostnaturalinferencewouldbethatvagueguessesaboutthewickednessoftherichhavebeeninallagescurrentamongthepoor,andnowandthentakemorepretentiousform。Mostmenwantverynaturallytogetasmuchandtoworkaslittleastheycan,andcalltheirdesireafirstprincipleofjustice。
Perhaps,however,itisfairertonoticeinhowmanypointstherewasunconsciousagreement;andhowbyconvertingveryexcellentmaximsintoabsolutedogmas,fromwhichawholesystemwasdeducible,thetheoriesappearedtobemutuallycontradictory,and,takenseparately,becameabsurd。Thepalpableandadmittedevilwasthegrowthofpauperismanddemoralisationofthelabourer。Theremedy,accordingtotheUtilitarians,istoraisethesenseofindividualresponsibility,tomakeamandependentuponhisownexertions,andtogivehimsecuritythathewillenjoytheirfruit。Letgovernmentgiveeducationononehandandsecurityontheother,andequalitywillfollowinduetime。ThesentimentalRadicalnaturallyrepliesthatleavingamantostarvedoesnotnecessarilymakehimindustrious;that,inpointoffact,greatandgrowinginequalityofwealthhasresulted;andthattherightsofmanshouldbeappliednotonlytopoliticalprivilege,buttothepossessionofproperty。TheUtilitarianshaveleftoutjusticebyputtingequalityinthebackground。Justice,asBenthamreplied,hasnomeaningtillyouhavesettledbyexperiencewhatlawswillproducehappiness;andyourabsoluteequalitywoulddestroytheverymainspringofsocialimprovement。MeanwhiletheConservativethinksthatbothpartiesarereallyfosteringtheevilsbymakingindividualismsupreme,andthatorganisationisnecessarytoimprovement;whileonesetofRadicalswouldperpetuateamereblindstruggleforexistence,andtheotherenablethelowestclasstoenforceadeadlevelofignoranceandstupidity。Theythereforecallupongovernmenttobecomepaternalandactive,andtoteachnotonlymoralitybutreligion;anduponthearistocracytodischargeitsfunctionsworthily,inordertostampoutsocialevilsandpreventaservileinsurrection。ButhowwastheactualgovernmentofGeorgeIVandSidmouthandEldontobeconvertedtoasenseofitsduties?Oneachsideappealismadetoasweepingandabsoluteprinciple,andamazinglycomplexanddifficultquestionsoffactaretakenforgranted。TheUtilitariansweresofarrightthattheyappealedtoexperience,as,infact,suchquestionshavetobesettledbytheslowco-operationofmanymindsinmanygenerations。
UnfortunatelytheUtilitarianshad,aswehaveseen,averyinadequateconceptionofwhatexperiencereallymeant,andwerefullyasrashanddogmaticastheiropponents。Imustnowtrytoconsiderwhatweretheintellectualconceptionsimpliedbytheirmodeoftreatingtheseproblems。
Notes:
1。Thediscussionsofpopulationmostfrequentlymentionedare:-W。Godwin,ThoughtsoccasionedbyDrParr’sSpitalSermon,etc。,1801;R。Southey,inAikin;’sAnnualReviewfor1803,pp。292-301;ThomasJarrold,DissertationsonMan,etc。,1806;JamesGrahame,InquiryintothePrincipleofPopulation,1816;
GeorgeEnsor,InquiryconcerningthePopulationofNations,1818;
W。Godwin,OnPopulation,1820;FrancisPlace,PrinciplesofPopulation,1822;DavidBooth,LettertotheRev。T。R。Malthus,1823;M。T。Sadler,LawofPopulation,1830;A。,Alison,PrinciplesofPopulation,1840;T。Doubleday,TrueLawsofPopulation,1842。
2。QuarterlyReview,Dec。1812reprintedinSouthey’sMoralandPoliticalEssays,1832,3。QuarterlyReview,July1827,byArchbishopSumner,Malthus’scommentatorintheRecordsofCreation。Ricardo’sLetterstoTrower,p。47。
4。Spence’sTractsonPoliticalEconomywerecollectedwithaprefacein1822。Spenceisbetterknownasanentomologist,andcollaboratedwithWilliamKirby。
5。Tracts1822,p。xiii。
6。Ibid。,p。59。
7。Chalmber’sWorkswerepublishedintwenty-fivevolumesin1841-42。
8。Chalmers’sWorks,i,237。
9。ThisessayisnotinhiscollectedWorks,thoughinvol。xxi,itispromisedforthenextvolume。
10。Works,xix,andxx。
11。Mill’sPoliticalEconomy,bk。i,ch。v§;7and8。SeeChalmers,xix,140。
12。NationalResourcesAppendix。
13。Works,xix,306。
14。Ibid。,xix,226,233。
15。NationalResources,p。48。