5。Wehaveconsidered,ontheonehand,themannerinwhich
  thedistributionoftheproduceintorent,profits,andwages,is
  affectedbytheordinaryincreaseofpopulationandcapital,and
  ontheother,howitisaffectedbyimprovementsinproduction,
  andmoreespeciallyinagriculture。Wehavefoundthattheformer
  causelowersprofits,andraisesrentandthecostoflabour:
  whilethetendencyofagriculturalimprovementsistodiminish
  rent;andallimprovementswhichcheapenanyarticleofthe
  labourer’sconsumption,tendtodiminishthecostoflabourand
  toraiseprofits。Thetendencyofeachcauseinitsseparate
  statebeingthusascertained,itiseasytodeterminethe
  tendencyoftheactualcourseofthings,inwhichthetwo
  movementsaregoingonsimultaneously,capitalandpopulation
  increasingwithtolerablesteadiness,whileimprovementsin
  agriculturearemadefromtimetotime,andtheknowledgeand
  practiceofimprovedmethodsbecomediffusedgraduallythrough
  thecommunity。
  Thehabitsandrequirementsofthelabouringclassesbeing
  given(whichdeterminetheirrealwages),rents,profits,and
  moneywagesatanygiventime,aretheresultofthecomposition
  oftheserivalforces。Ifduringanyperiodagricultural
  improvementadvancesfasterthanpopulation,rentandmoneywages
  duringthatperiodwilltenddownward,andprofitsupward。If
  populationadvancesmorerapidlythanagriculturalimprovement,
  eitherthelabourerswillsubmittoareductioninthequantity
  orqualityoftheirfood,orifnot,rentandmoneywageswill
  progressivelyrise,andprofitswillfall。
  Agriculturalskillandknowledgeareofslowgrowth,and
  stillslowerdiffusion。Inventionsanddiscoveries,too,occur
  onlyoccasionally,whiletheincreaseofpopulationandcapital
  arecontinuousagencies。Itthereforeseldomhappensthat
  improvement,evenduringashorttime,hassomuchthestartof
  populationandcapitalasactuallytolowerrent,orraisethe
  rateofprofits。Therearemanycountriesinwhichthegrowthof
  populationandcapitalisnotrapid,butintheseagricultural
  improvementislessactivestill。Populationalmosteverywhere
  treadscloseontheheelsofagriculturalimprovement,and
  effacesitseffectsasfastastheyareproduced。
  Thereasonwhyagriculturalimprovementseldomlowersrent,
  isthatitseldomcheapensfood,butonlypreventsitfrom
  growingdearer;andseldom,ifever,throwslandsoutof
  cultivation,butonlyenablesworseandworselandtobetakenin
  forthesupplyofanincreasingdemand。Whatissometimescalled
  thenaturalstateofacountrywhichisbuthalfcultivated,
  namely,thatthelandishighlyproductive,andfoodobtainedin
  greatabundancebylittlelabour,isonlytrueofunoccupied
  countriescolonizedbyacivilizedpeople。IntheUnitedStates
  theworstlandincultivationisofahighquality(except
  sometimesintheimmediatevicinityofmarketsormeansof
  conveyance,whereabadqualityiscompensatedbyagood
  situation);andevenifnofurtherimprovementsweremadein
  agricultureorlocomotion,cultivationwouldhavemanystepsyet
  todescend,beforetheincreaseofpopulationandcapitalwould
  bebroughttoastand;butinEuropefivehundredyearsago,
  thoughsothinlypeopledincomparisontothepresentpopulation,
  itisprobablethattheworstlandundertheploughwas,fromthe
  rudestateofagriculture,quiteasunproductiveastheworst
  landnowcultivated;andthatcultivationhadapproachedasnear
  totheultimatelimitofprofitabletillage,inthosetimesasin
  thepresent。Whattheagriculturalimprovementssincemadehave
  reallydoneis,byincreasingthecapacityofproductionofland
  ingeneral,toenabletillagetoextenddownwardstoamuchworse
  naturalqualityoflandthantheworstwhichatthattimewould
  haveadmittedofcultivationbyacapitalistforprofit;thus
  renderingamuchgreaterincreaseofcapitalandpopulation
  possible,andremovingalwaysalittleandalittlefurtheroff,
  thebarrierwhichrestrainsthem;populationmeanwhilealways
  pressingsohardagainstthebarrier,thatthereisneverany
  visiblemarginleftforittoseize,everyinchofgroundmade
  vacantforitbyimprovementbeingatoncefilledupbyits
  advancingcolumns。Agriculturalimprovementmaythusbe
  consideredtobenotsomuchacounterforceconflictingwith
  increaseofpopulation,asapartialrelaxationofthebonds
  whichconfinethatincrease。
  Theeffectsproducedonthedivisionoftheproducebyan
  increaseofproduction,underthejointinfluenceofincreaseof
  populationandcapitalandimprovementsofagriculture,arevery
  differentfromthosededucedfromthehypotheticalcases
  previouslydiscussed。Inparticular,theeffectonrentismost
  materiallydifferent。Weremarkedthat—whileagreat
  agriculturalimprovementmadesuddenlyanduniversallywouldin
  thefirstinstanceinevitablylowerrent—suchimprovements
  enablerent,intheprogressofsociety,torisegraduallytoa
  muchhigherlimitthanitcouldotherwiseattain,sincethey
  enableamuchlowerqualityoflandtobeultimatelycultivated。
  Butinthecasewearenowsupposing,whichnearlycorrespondsto
  theusualcourseofthings,thisultimateeffectbecomesthe
  immediateeffect。Supposecultivationtohavereached,oralmost
  reached,theutmostlimitpermittedbythestateofthe
  industrialarts,andrent,therefore,tohaveattainednearlythe
  highestpointtowhichitcanbecarriedbytheprogressof
  populationandcapital,withtheexistingamountofskilland
  knowledge。Ifagreatagriculturalimprovementweresuddenly
  introduced,itmightthrowbackrentforaconsiderablespace,
  leavingittoregainitslostgroundbytheprogressof
  populationandcapital,andafterwardstogoonfurther。But,
  takingplace,assuchimprovementalwaysdoes,verygradually,it
  causesnoretrogrademovementofeitherrentorcultivation;it
  merelyenablestheonetogoonrising,andtheotherextending,
  longaftertheymustotherwisehavestopped。Itwoulddothis
  evenwithoutthenecessityofresortingtoaworsequalityof
  land;simplybyenablingthelandsalreadyincultivationto
  yieldagreaterproduce,withnoincreaseoftheproportional
  cost。Ifbyimprovementsofagricultureallthelandsin
  cultivationcouldbemade,evenwithdoublelabourandcapital,
  toyieldadoubleproduce,(supposingthatinthemeantime
  populationincreasedsoastorequirethisdoublequantity)all
  rentswouldbedoubled。
  Toillustratethepoint,letusreverttothenumerical
  exampleinaformerpage。Threequalitiesoflandyield
  respectivelylOO,8o,and60bushelstothesameoutlayonthe
  sameextentofsurface。IfNo。1couldbemadetoyield200,No。
  2,160,andNo。3,120bushels,atonlydoubletheexpense,and
  thereforewithoutanyincreaseofthecostofproduction,andif
  thepopulation,havingdoubled,requiredallthisincreased
  quantity,therentofNo。1wouldbe80bushelsinsteadof40,
  andofNo。2,40insteadof20,whilethepriceandvalueper
  bushelwouldbethesameasbefore:sothatcornrentandmoney
  rentwouldbothbedoubled。Ineednotpointoutthedifference
  betweenthisresult,andwhatwehaveshownwouldtakeplaceif
  therewereanimprovementinproductionwithouttheaccompaniment
  ofanincreaseddemandforfood。
  Agriculturalimprovement,then,isalwaysultimately,andin
  themannerinwhichitgenerallytakesplacealsoimmediately,
  beneficialtothelandlord。Wemayadd,thatwhenittakesplace
  inthatmanner,itisbeneficialtonooneelse。Whenthedemand
  forproducefullykeepspacewiththeincreasedcapacityof
  production,foodisnotcheapened;thelabourersarenot,even
  temporarily,benefited;thecostoflabourisnotdiminished,nor
  profitsraised。Thereisagreateraggregateproduction,a
  greaterproducedividedamongthelabourers,andalargergross
  profit;butthewagesbeingsharedamongalargerpopulation,and
  theprofitsspreadoveralargercapital,nolabourerisbetter
  off,nordoesanycapitalistderivefromthesameamountof
  capitalalargerincome。
  Theresultofthislonginvestigationmaybesummedupas
  follows。Theeconomicalprogressofasocietyconstitutedof
  landlords,capitalists,andlabourers,tendstotheprogressive
  enrichmentofthelandlordclass;whilethecostofthe
  labourer’ssubsistencetendsonthewholetoincrease,and
  profitstofall。Agriculturalimprovementsareacounteracting
  forcetothetwolasteffects;butthefirst,thoughacaseis
  conceivableinwhichitwouldbetemporarilychecked,is
  ultimatelyinahighdegreepromotedbythoseimprovements;and
  theincreaseofpopulationtendstotransferallthebenefits
  derivedfromagriculturalimprovementtothelandlordsalone。
  Whatotherconsequences,inadditiontothese,orinmodification
  ofthem,arisefromtheindustrialprogressofasocietythus
  constituted,Ishallendeavourtoshowinthesucceedingchapter。
  ThePrinciplesofPoliticalEconomy
  byJohnStuartMill
  Book4
  Chapter4
  OftheTendencyofProfitstoaMinimum
  1。Thetendencyofprofitstofallassocietyadvances,which
  hasbeenbroughttonoticeintheprecedingchapter,wasearly
  recognizedbywritersonindustryandcommerce;butthelaws
  whichgovernprofitsnotbeingthenunderstood,thephenomenon
  wasascribedtoawrongcause。AdamSmithconsideredprofitsto
  bedeterminedbywhathecalledthecompetitionofcapital;and
  concludedthatwhencapitalincreased,thiscompetitionmust
  likewiseincrease,andprofitsmustfall。Itisnotquitecertain
  whatsortofcompetitionAdamSmithhadhereinview。Hiswords
  inthechapteronProfitsofStock(1*)are,’Whenthestocksof
  manyrichmerchantsareturnedintothesametrade,theirmutual
  competitionnaturallytendstoloweritsprofits;andwhenthere
  isalikeincreaseofstockinallthedifferenttradescarried
  oninthesamesociety,thesamecompetitionmustproducethe
  sameeffectinthemall。’Thispassagewouldleadustoinfer
  that,inAdamSmith’sopinion,themannerinwhichthe
  competitionofcapitallowersprofitsisbyloweringprices;that
  beingusuallythemodeinwhichanincreasedinvestmentof
  capitalinanyparticulartrade,lowerstheprofitsofthat
  trade。Butifthiswashismeaning,heoverlookedthe
  circumstance,thatthefallofprice,whichifconfinedtoone
  commodityreallydoeslowertheprofitsoftheproducer,ceases
  tohavethateffectassoonasitextendstoallcommodities;
  because,whenallthingshavefallen,nothinghasreallyfallen,
  exceptnominally;andevencomputedinmoney,theexpensesof
  everyproducerhavediminishedasmuchashisreturns。Unless
  indeedlabourbetheonecommoditywhichhasnotfalleninmoney
  price,whenallotherthingshave:ifso,whathasreallytaken
  placeisariseofwages;anditisthat,andnotthefallof
  prices,whichhasloweredtheprofitsofcapital。Thereis
  anotherthingwhichescapedthenoticeofAdamSmith;thatthe
  supposeduniversalfallofprices,throughincreasedcompetition
  ofcapitals,isathingwhichcannottakeplace。Pricesarenot
  determinedbythecompetitionofthesellersonly,butalsoby
  thatofthebuyers;bydemandaswellassupply。Thedemandwhich
  affectsmoneypricesconsistsofallthemoneyinthehandsof
  thecommunity,destinedtobelaidoutincommodities;andas
  longastheproportionofthistothecommoditiesisnot
  diminished,thereisnofallofgeneralprices。Now,howsoever
  capitalmayincrease,andgiverisetoanincreasedproductionof
  commodities,afullshareofthecapitalwillbedrawntothe
  businessofproducingorimportingmoney,andthequantityof
  moneywillbeaugmentedinanequalratiowiththequantityof
  commodities。Forifthiswerenotthecase,andifmoney,
  therefore,were,asthetheorysupposes,perpetuallyacquiring
  increasedpurchasingpower,thosewhoproducedorimportedit
  wouldobtainconstantlyincreasingprofits;andthiscouldnot
  happenwithoutattractinglabourandcapitaltothatoccupation
  fromotheremployments。Ifageneralfallofprices,and
  increasedvalueofmoney,werereallytooccur,itcouldonlybe
  asaconsequenceofincreasedcostofproduction,fromthe
  gradualexhaustionofthemines。
  Itisnottenable,therefore,intheory,thattheincreaseof
  capitalproduces,ortendstoproduce,ageneraldeclineofmoney
  prices。Neitherisittrue,thatanygeneraldeclineofprices,
  ascapitalincreased,hasmanifesteditselfinfact。Theonly
  thingsobservedtofallinpricewiththeprogressofsociety,
  arethoseinwhichtherehavebeenimprovementsinproduction,
  greaterthanhavetakenplaceintheproductionoftheprecious
  metals;asforexample,allspunandwovenfabrics。Otherthings,
  again,insteadoffalling,haveriseninprice,becausetheir
  costofproduction,comparedwiththatofgoldandsilver,has
  increased。Amongtheseareallkindsoffood,comparisonbeing
  madewithamuchearlierperiodofhistory。Thedoctrine,
  therefore,thatcompetitionofcapitallowersprofitsbylowering
  prices,isincorrectinfact,aswellasunsoundinprinciple。
  ButitisnotcertainthatAdamSmithreallyheldthat
  doctrine;forhislanguageonthesubjectiswaveringand
  unsteady,denotingtheabsenceofadefiniteandwell—digested
  opinion。Occasionallyheseemstothinkthatthemodeinwhich
  thecompetitionofcapitallowersprofits,isbyraisingwages。
  Andwhenspeakingoftherateofprofitinnewcolonies,heseems
  ontheveryvergeofgraspingthecompletetheoryofthesubject。
  ’Asthecolonyincreases,theprofitsofstockgradually
  diminish。Whenthemostfertileandbestsituatedlandshavebeen
  alloccupied,lessprofitcanbemadebythecultivatorsofwhat
  isinferiorbothinsoilandsituation。’HadAdamSmithmeditated
  longeronthesubject,andsystematizedhisviewofitby
  harmonizingwitheachotherthevariousglimpseswhichhecaught
  ofitfromdifferentpoints,hewouldhaveperceivedthatthis
  lastisthetruecauseofthefallofprofitsusuallyconsequent
  uponincreaseofcapital。
  2。MrWakefield,inhisCommentaryonAdamSmith,andhis
  importantwritingsonColonization,takesamuchclearerviewof
  thesubject,andarrives,throughasubstantiallycorrectseries
  ofdeductions,atpracticalconclusionswhichappeartomejust
  andimportant;butheisnotequallyhappyinincorporatinghis
  valuablespeculationswiththeresultsofpreviousthought,and
  reconcilingthemwithothertruths。SomeofthetheoriesofDr
  Chalmers,inhischapter’OntheIncreaseandLimitsofCapital’,
  andthetwochapterswhichfollowit,coincideintheirtendency
  andspiritwiththoseofMrWakefield;butDrChalmers’ideas,
  thoughdelivered,asishiscustom,withamostattractive
  semblanceofclearness,arereallyonthissubjectmuchmore
  confusedthaneventhoseofAdamSmith,andmoredecidedly
  infectedwiththeoftenrefutednotionthatthecompetitionof
  capitallowersgeneralprices;thesubjectofMoneyapparently
  nothavingbeenincludedamongthepartsofPoliticalEconomy
  whichthisacuteandvigorouswriterhadcarefullystudied。
  MrWakefield’sexplanationofthefallofprofitsisbriefly
  this。Productionislimitednotsolelybythequantityofcapital
  andoflabour,butalsobytheextentofthe’fieldof
  employment’。Thefieldofemploymentforcapitalistwofold;the
  landofthecountry,andthecapacityofforeignmarketstotake
  itsmanufacturedcommodities。Onalimitedextentofland,onlya
  limitedquantityofcapitalcanfindemploymentataprofit。As
  thequantityofcapitalapproachesthislimit,profitfalls;when
  thelimitisattained,profitisannihilated;andcanonlybe
  restoredthroughanextensionofthefieldofemployment,either
  bytheacquisitionoffertileland,orbyopeningnewmarketsin
  foreigncountries,fromwhichfoodandmaterialscanbepurchased
  withtheproductsofdomesticcapital。Thesepropositionsare,in
  myopinion,substantiallytrue;and,eventothephraseologyin
  whichtheyareexpressed,consideredasadaptedtopopularand
  practicalratherthanscientificuses,Ihavenothingtoobject。
  TheerrorwhichseemstomeimputabletoMrWakefieldisthatof
  supposinghisdoctrinestobeincontradictiontotheprinciples
  ofthebestschoolofprecedingpoliticaleconomists,insteadof
  being,astheyreallyare,corollariesfromthoseprinciples;
  thoughcorollarieswhich,perhaps,wouldnotalwayshavebeen
  admittedbythosepoliticaleconomiststhemselves。
  ThemostscientifictreatmentofthesubjectwhichIhavemet
  with,isinanessayontheeffectsofMachinery,publishedin
  theWestminsterReviewforJanuary1826,byMrWilliamEllis;(2*)
  whichwasdoubtlessunknowntoMrWakefield,butwhichhad
  precededhim,thoughbyadifferentpath,inseveralofhis
  leadingconclusions。Thisessayexcitedlittlenotice,partly
  frombeingpublishedanonymouslyinaperiodical,andpartly
  becauseitwasmuchinadvanceofthestateofpoliticaleconomy
  atthetime。InMrEllis’sviewofthesubject,thequestionsand
  difficultiesraisedbyMrWakefield’sspeculationsandbythose
  ofDrChalmers,findasolutionconsistentwiththeprinciplesof
  politicaleconomylaiddowninthepresenttreatise。
  3。Thereisateverytimeandplacesomeparticularrateof
  profit,whichisthelowestthatwillinducethepeopleofthat
  countryandtimetoaccumulatesavings,andtoemploythose
  savingsproductively。Thisminimumrateofprofitvaries
  accordingtocircumstances。Itdependsontwoelements。Oneis,
  thestrengthoftheeffectivedesireofaccumulation;the
  comparativeestimatemadebythepeopleofthatplaceandera,of
  futureinterestswhenweighedagainstpresent。Thiselement
  chieflyaffectstheinclinationtosave。Theotherelement,which
  affectsnotsomuchthewillingnesstosaveasthedispositionto
  employsavingsproductively,isthedegreeofsecurityofcapital
  engagedinindustrialoperations。Astateofgeneralinsecurity,
  nodoubtaffectsalsothedispositiontosave。Ahoardmaybea
  sourceofadditionaldangertoitsreputedpossessor。Butasit
  mayalsobeapowerfulmeansofavertingdangers,theeffectsin
  thisrespectmayperhapsbelookeduponasbalanced。Butin
  employinganyfundswhichapersonmaypossessascapitalonhis
  ownaccount,orinlendingittootherstobesoemployed,there
  isalwayssomeadditionalrisk,overandabovethatincurredby
  keepingitidleinhisowncustody。Thisextrariskisgreatin
  proportionasthegeneralstateofsocietyisinsecure:itmaybe
  equivalenttotwenty,thirty,orfiftypercent,ortonomore
  thanoneortwo;something,however,itmustalwaysbe:andfor
  this,theexpectationofprofitmustbesufficienttocompensate。
  Therewouldbeadequatemotivesforacertainamountof
  saving,evenifcapitalyieldednoprofit。Therewouldbean
  inducementtolaybyingoodtimesaprovisionforbad;to
  reservesomethingforsicknessandinfirmity,orasameansof
  leisureandindependenceinthelatterpartoflife,orahelpto
  childrenintheoutsetofit。Savings,however,whichhaveonly
  theseendsinview,havenotmuchtendencytoincreasetheamount
  ofcapitalpermanentlyinexistence。Thesemotivesonlyprompt
  personstosaveatoneperiodoflifewhattheypurposeto
  consumeatanother,orwhatwillbeconsumedbytheirchildren
  beforetheycancompletelyprovideforthemselves。Thesavingsby
  whichanadditionismadetothenationalcapital,usually
  emanatefromthedesireofpersonstoimprovewhatistermed
  theirconditioninlife,ortomakeaprovisionforchildrenor
  others,independentoftheirexertions。Now,tothestrengthof
  theseinclinationsitmakesaverymaterialdifferencehowmuch
  ofthedesiredobjectcanbeeffectedbyagivenamountand
  durationofself—denial;whichagaindependsontherateof
  profit。Andthereisineverycountrysomerateofprofit,below
  whichpersonsingeneralwillnotfindsufficientmotivetosave
  forthemerepurposeofgrowingricher,orofleavingothers
  betteroffthanthemselves。Anyaccumulation,therefore,bywhich
  thegeneralcapitalisincreased,requiresasitsnecessary
  conditionacertainrateofprofit;aratewhichanaverage
  personwilldeemtobeanequivalentforabstinence,withthe
  additionofasufficientinsuranceagainstrisk。Therearealways
  somepersonsinwhomtheeffectivedesireofaccumulationis
  abovetheaverage,andtowhomlessthanthisrateofprofitisa
  sufficientinducementtosave;butthesemerelystepintothe
  placeofotherswhosetasteforexpenseandindulgenceisbeyond
  theaverage,andwho,insteadofsaving,perhapsevendissipate
  whattheyhavereceived。
  Ihavealreadyobservedthatthisminimumrateofprofit,
  lessthanwhichisnotconsistentwiththefurtherincreaseof
  capital,islowerinsomestatesofsocietythaninothers;andI
  mayadd,thatthekindofsocialprogresscharacteristicofour
  presentcivilizationtendstodiminishit。Inthefirstplace,
  oneoftheacknowledgedeffectsofthatprogressisanincrease
  ofgeneralsecurity。Destructionbywars,andspoliationby
  privateorpublicviolence,arelessandlesstobeapprehended;
  andtheimprovementswhichmaybelookedforineducationandin
  theadministrationofjustice,or,intheirdefault,increased
  regardforopinion,affordagrowingprotectionagainstfraudand
  recklessmismanagement。Therisksattendingtheinvestmentof
  savingsinproductiveemploymentrequire,therefore,asmaller
  rateofprofittocompensateforthemthanwasrequiredacentury
  ago,andwillhereafterrequirelessthanatpresent。Inthe
  secondplace,itisalsooneoftheconsequencesofcivilization
  thatmankindbecomelesstheslavesofthemoment,andmore
  habituatedtocarrytheirdesiresandpurposesforwardintoa
  distantfuture。Thisincreaseofprovidenceisanaturalresult
  oftheincreasedassurancewithwhichfuturitycanbelooked
  forwardto;andis,besides,favouredbymostoftheinfluences
  whichanindustriallifeexercisesoverthepassionsand
  inclinationsofhumannature。Inproportionaslifehasfewer
  vicissitudes,ashabitsbecomemorefixed,andgreatprizesare
  lessandlesstobehopedforbyanyothermeansthanlong
  perseverance,mankindbecomemorewillingtosacrificepresent
  indulgenceforfutureobjects。Thisincreasedcapacityof
  forethoughtandself—controlmayassuredlyfindotherthingsto
  exerciseitselfuponthanincreaseofriches,andsome
  considerationsconnectedwiththistopicwillshortlybetouched
  upon。Thepresentkindofsocialprogress,however,decidedly
  tends,thoughnotperhapstoincreasethedesireofaccumulation,
  yettoweakentheobstaclestoit,andtodiminishtheamountof
  profitwhichpeopleabsolutelyrequireasaninducementtosave
  andaccumulate。Forthesetworeasons,diminutionofriskand
  increaseofprovidence,aprofitorinterestofthreeorfourper
  centisassufficientamotivetotheincreaseofcapitalin
  Englandatthepresentday,asthirtyorfortypercentinthe
  BurmeseEmpire,orinEnglandatthetimeofKingJohn。In
  Hollandduringthelastcenturyareturnoftwopercent,on
  governmentsecurity,wasconsistentwithanundiminished,ifnot
  withanincreasingcapital。Butthoughtheminimumrateofprofit
  isthusliabletovary,andthoughtospecifyexactlywhatitis
  wouldatanygiventimebeimpossible,suchaminimumalways
  exists;andwhetheritbehighorlow,whenonceitisreached,
  nofurtherincreaseofcapitalcanforthepresenttakeplace。
  Thecountryhasthenattainedwhatisknowntopolitical
  economistsunderthenameofthestationarystate。
  4。Wenowarriveatthefundamentalpropositionwhichthis
  chapterisintendedtoinculcate。Whenacountryhaslong
  possessedalargeproduction,andalargenetincometomake
  savingsfrom,andwhen,therefore,themeanshavelongexistedof
  makingagreatannualadditiontocapital;(thecountrynot
  having,likeAmerica,alargereserveoffertilelandstill
  unused;)itisoneofthecharacteristicsofsuchacountry,that
  therateofprofitishabituallywithin,asitwere,ahand’s
  breadthoftheminimum,andthecountrythereforeonthevery
  vergeofthestationarystate。BythisIdonotmeanthatthis
  stateislikely,inanyofthegreatcountriesofEurope,tobe
  soonactuallyreached,orthatcapitaldoesnotstillyielda
  profitconsiderablygreaterthanwhatisbarelysufficientto
  inducethepeopleofthosecountriestosaveandaccumulate。My
  meaningis,thatitwouldrequirebutashorttimetoreduce
  profitstotheminimum,ifcapitalcontinuedtoincreaseatits
  presentrate,andnocircumstanceshavingatendencytoraisethe
  rateofprofitoccurredinthemeantime。Theexpansionofcapital
  wouldsoonreachitsultimateboundary,iftheboundaryitself
  didnotcontinuallyopenandleavemorespace。
  InEngland,theordinaryrateofinterestongovernment
  securities,inwhichtheriskisnexttonothing,maybe
  estimatedatalittlemorethanthreepercent:inallother
  investments,therefore,theinterestorprofitcalculatedupon
  (exclusivelyofwhatisproperlyaremunerationfortalentor
  exertion)mustbeasmuchmorethanthisamount,asisequivalent
  tothedegreeofrisktowhichthecapitalisthoughttobe
  exposed。LetussupposethatinEnglandevensosmallanet
  profitasonepercent,exclusiveofinsuranceagainstrisk,
  wouldconstituteasufficientinducementtosave,butthatless
  thanthiswouldnotbeasufficientinducement。Inowsay,that
  themerecontinuanceofthepresentannualincreaseofcapital,
  ifnocircumstanceoccurredtocounteractitseffect,would
  sufficeinasmallnumberofyearstoreducetherateofnet
  profittoonepercent。
  Tofulfiltheconditionsofthehypothesis,wemustsuppose
  anentirecessationoftheexportationofcapitalforforeign
  investment。Nomorecapitalsentabroadforrailwaysorloans;no
  moreemigrantstakingcapitalwiththem,tothecolonies,orto
  othercountries;nofreshadvancesmade,orcreditsgiven,by
  bankersormerchantstotheirforeigncorrespondents。Wemust
  alsoassumethattherearenofreshloansforunproductive
  expenditure,bythegovernment,oronmortgage,orotherwise;and
  noneofthewasteofcapitalwhichnowtakesplacebythefailure
  ofundertaking,whichpeoplearetemptedtoengageinbythehope
  ofabetterincomethancanbeobtainedinsafepathsatthe
  presenthabituallylowrateofprofit。Wemustsupposetheentire
  savingsofthecommunitytobeannuallyinvestedinreally
  productiveemploymentwithinthecountryitself;andnonew
  channelsopenedbyindustrialinventions,orbyamoreextensive
  substitutionofthebestknownprocessesforinferiorones。
  Fewpersonswouldhesitatetosay,thattherewouldbegreat
  difficultyinfindingremunerativeemploymenteveryyearforso
  muchnewcapital,andmostwouldconcludethattherewouldbe
  whatusedtobetermedageneralglut;thatcommoditieswouldbe
  produced,andremainunsold,orbesoldonlyataloss。Butthe
  fullexaminationwhichwehavealreadygiventothis
  question,(3*)hasshownthatthisisnotthemodeinwhichthe
  inconveniencewouldbeexperienced。Thedifficultywouldnot
  consistinanywantofamarket。Ifthenewcapitalwereduly
  sharedamongmanyvarietiesofemployment,itwouldraiseupa
  demandforitsownproduce,andtherewouldbenocausewhyany
  partofthatproduceshouldremainlongeronhandthanformerly。
  Whatwouldreallybe,notmerelydifficult,butimpossible,would
  betoemploythiscapitalwithoutsubmittingtoarapidreduction
  oftherateofprofit。
  Ascapitalincreased,populationeitherwouldalsoincrease,
  oritwouldnot。Ifitdidnot,wageswouldrise,andagreater
  capitalwouldbedistributedinwagesamongthesamenumberof
  labourers。Therebeingnomorelabourthanbefore,andno
  improvementstorenderthelabourmoreefficient,therewouldnot
  beanyincreaseoftheproduce;andasthecapital,however
  largelyincreased,wouldonlyobtainthesamegrossreturn,the
  wholesavingsofeachyearwouldbeexactlysomuchsubtracted
  fromtheprofitsofthenextandofeveryfollowingyear。Itis
  hardlynecessarytosaythatinsuchcircumstancesprofitswould
  verysoonfalltothepointatwhichfurtherincreaseofcapital
  wouldcease。Anaugmentationofcapital,muchmorerapidthan
  thatofpopulation,mustsoonreachitsextremelimit,unless
  accompaniedbyincreasedefficiencyoflabour(throughinventions
  anddiscoveries,orimprovedmentalandphysicaleducation),or
  unlesssomeoftheidlepeople,oroftheunproductivelabourers,
  becameproductive。
  Ifpopulationdidincreasewiththeincreaseofcapital,and
  inproportiontoit,thefallofprofitswouldstillbe
  inevitable。Increasedpopulationimpliesincreaseddemandfor
  agriculturalproduce。Intheabsenceofindustrialimprovements,
  thisdemandcanonlybesuppliedatanincreasedcostof
  production,eitherbycultivatingworseland,orbyamore
  elaborateandcostlycultivationofthelandalreadyunder
  tillage。Thecostofthelabourer’ssubsistenceistherefore
  increased;andunlessthelabourersubmitstoadeteriorationof
  hiscondition,profitsmustfall。InanoldcountrylikeEngland,
  if,inadditiontosupposingallimprovementindomestic
  agriculturesuspended,wesupposethatthereisnoincreased
  productioninforeigncountriesfortheEnglishmarket,thefall
  ofprofitswouldbeveryrapid。Ifboththeseavenuestoan
  increasedsupplyoffoodwereclosed,andpopulationcontinuedto
  increase,asitissaidtodo,attherateofathousandaday,
  allwastelandwhichadmitsofcultivationintheexistingstate
  ofknowledgewouldsoonbecultivated,andthecostofproduction
  andpriceoffoodwouldbesoincreased,that,ifthelabourers
  receivedtheincreasedmoneywagesnecessarytocompensatefor
  theirincreasedexpenses,profitswouldverysoonreachthe
  minimum。Thefallofprofitswouldberetardedifmoneywagesdid
  notrise,orroseinalessdegree;butthemarginwhichcanbe
  gainedbyadeteriorationofthelabourers’conditionisavery
  narrowone:ingeneraltheycannotbearmuchreduction;whenthey
  can,theyhavealsoahigherstandardofnecessaryrequirements,
  andwillnot。Onthewhole,therefore,wemayassumethatinsuch
  acountryasEngland,ifthepresentannualamountofsavings
  weretocontinue,withoutanyofthecounteractingcircumstances
  whichnowkeepincheckthenaturalinfluenceofthosesavingsin
  reducingprofit,therateofprofitwouldspeedilyattainthe
  minimum,andallfurtheraccumulationofcapitalwouldforthe
  presentcease。
  5。What,then,arethesecounteractingcircumstances,which,
  intheexistingstateofthings,maintainatolerablyequal
  struggleagainstthedownwardtendencyofprofits,andprevent
  thegreatannualsavingswhichtakeplaceinthiscountry,from
  depressingtherateofprofitmuchnearertothatlowestpointto
  whichitisalwaystending,andwhich,lefttoitself,itwould
  sopromptlyattain?Theresistingagenciesareofseveralkinds。
  Firstamongthem,wemaynoticeonewhichissosimpleandso
  conspicuous,thatsomepoliticaleconomists,especiallyM。de
  SismondiandDrChalmers,haveattendedtoitalmosttothe
  exclusion。ofallothers。Thisis,thewasteofcapitalin
  periodsofover。tradingandrashspeculation,andinthe
  commercialrevulsionsbywhichsuchtimesarealwaysfollowed。It
  istruethatagreatpartofwhatislostatsuchperiodsisnot
  destroyed,butmerelytransferred,likeagambler’slosses,to
  moresuccessfulspeculators。Butevenofthesemeretransfers,a
  largeportionisalwaystoforeigners,bythehastypurchaseof
  unusualquantitiesofforeigngoodsatadvancedprices。Andmuch
  alsoisabsolutelywasted。Minesareopened,railwaysorbridges
  made,andmanyotherworksofuncertainprofitcommenced,andin
  theseenterprisesmuchcapitalissunkwhichyieldseitherno
  return,ornoneadequatetotheoutlay。Factoriesarebuiltand
  machineryerectedbeyondwhatthemarketrequires,orcankeepin
  employment。Eveniftheyarekeptinemployment,thecapitalis
  nolesssunk;ithasbeenconvertedfromcirculatingintofixed
  capital,andhasceasedtohaveanyinfluenceonwagesor
  profits。Besidesthis,thereisagreatunproductiveconsumption
  ofcapital,duringthestagnationwhichfollowsaperiodof
  generalovertrading。Establishmentsareshutup,orkeptworking
  withoutanyprofit,handsaredischarged,andnumbersofpersons
  inallranks,beingdeprivedoftheirincome,andthrownfor
  supportontheirsavings,findthemselves,afterthecrisishas
  passedaway,inaconditionofmoreorlessimpoverishment。Such
  aretheeffectsofacommercialrevulsion:andthatsuch
  revulsionsarealmostperiodical,isaconsequenceofthevery
  tendencyofprofitswhichweareconsidering。Bythetimeafew
  yearshavepassedoverwithoutacrisis,somuchadditional
  capitalhasbeenaccumulated,thatitisnolongerpossibleto
  investitattheaccustomedprofit:allpublicsecuritiesriseto
  ahighprice,therateofinterestonthebestmercantile
  securityfallsverylow,andthecomplaintisgeneralamong
  personsinbusinessthatnomoneyistobemade。Doesnotthis
  demonstratehowspeedilyprofitwouldbeattheminimum,andthe
  stationaryconditionofcapitalwouldbeattained,ifthese
  accumulationswentonwithoutanycounteractingprinciple?But
  thediminishedscaleofallsafegains,inclinespersonstogive
  areadyeartoanyprojectswhichholdout,thoughattheriskof
  loss,thehopeofahigherrateofprofit;andspeculations
  ensue,which,withthesubsequentrevulsions,destroy,or
  transfertoforeigners,aconsiderableamountofcapital,produce
  atemporaryriseofinterestandprofit,makeroomforfresh
  accumulations,andthesameroundisrecommenced。
  This,doubtless,isoneconsiderablecausewhicharrests
  profitsintheirdescenttotheminimum,bysweepingawayfrom
  timetotimeapartoftheaccumulatedmassbywhichtheyare
  forceddown。Butthisisnot,asmightbeinferredfromthe
  languageofsomewriters,theprincipalcause。Ifitwere,the
  capitalofthecountrywouldnotincrease;butinEnglanditdoes
  increasegreatlyandrapidly。Thisisshownbytheincreasing
  productivenessofalmostalltaxes,bythecontinualgrowthof
  allthesignsofnationalwealth,andbytherapidincreaseof
  population,whiletheconditionofthelabourersiscertainlynot
  declining,butonthewholeimproving。Thesethingsprovethat
  eachcommercialrevulsion,howeverdisastrous,isveryfarfrom
  destroyingallthecapitalwhichhasbeenaddedtothe
  accumulationsofthecountrysincethelastrevulsionpreceding
  it,andthat,invariably,roomiseitherfoundormadeforthe
  profitableemploymentofaperpetuallyincreasingcapital,
  consistentlywithnotforcingdownprofitstoalowerrate。
  6。Thisbringsustothesecondofthecounter。agencies,
  namely,improvementsinproduction。Theseevidentlyhavethe
  effectofextendingwhatMrWakefieldtermsthefieldof
  employment,thatis,theyenableagreateramountofcapitalto
  beaccumulatedandemployedwithoutdepressingtherateof
  profit:providedalwaysthattheydonotraise,toaproportional
  extent,thehabitsandrequirementsofthelabourer。Ifthe
  labouringclassgainthefulladvantageoftheincreased
  cheapness,inotherwords,ifmoneywagesdonotfall,profits
  arenotraised,northeirfallretarded。Butifthelabourers
  peopleuptotheimprovementintheircondition,andsorelapse
  totheirpreviousstate,profitswillrise。Allinventionswhich
  cheapenanyofthethingsconsumedbythelabourers,unlesstheir
  requirementsareraisedinanequivalentdegree,intimelower
  moneywages:andbydoingso,enableagreatercapitaltobe
  accumulatedandemployed,beforeprofitsfallbacktowhatthey
  werepreviously。
  Improvementswhichonlyaffectthingsconsumedexclusivelyby
  thericherclasses,donotoperatepreciselyinthesamemanner。
  Thecheapeningoflaceorvelvethasnoeffectindiminishingthe
  costoflabour;andnomodecanbepointedoutinwhichitcan
  raisetherateofprofit,soastomakeroomforalargercapital
  beforetheminimumisattained。It,however,producesaneffect
  whichisvirtuallyequivalent;itlowers,ortendstolower,the
  minimumitself。Inthefirstplace,increasedcheapnessof
  articlesofconsumptionpromotestheinclinationtosave,by
  affordingtoallconsumersasurpluswhichtheymaylayby,
  consistentlywiththeiraccustomedmannerofliving;andunless
  theywerepreviouslysufferingactualhardships,itwillrequire
  littleself—denialtosavesomepartatleastofthissurplus。In
  thenextplace,whateverenablespeopletoliveequallywellona
  smallerincome,inclinesthemtolaybycapitalforalowerrate
  ofprofit。Ifpeoplecanliveonanindependenceof500l。ayear
  inthesamemannerastheyformerlycouldononeof1000l。,some
  personswillbeinducedtosaveinhopesoftheone,whowould
  havebeendeterredbythemoreremoteprospectoftheother。All
  improvements,therefore,intheproductionofalmostany
  commodity,tendinsomedegreetowidentheintervalwhichhasto
  bepassedbeforearrivingatthestationarystate:butthis
  effectbelongsinamuchgreaterdegreetotheimprovementswhich
  affectthearticlesconsumedbythelabourer,sincetheseconduce
  toitintwoways;theyinducepeopletoaccumulateforalower
  profit,andtheyalsoraisetherateofprofititself。
  7。Equivalentineffecttoimprovementsinproduction,isthe
  acquisitionofanynewpowerofobtainingcheapcommoditiesfrom
  foreigncountries。Ifnecessariesarecheapened,whethertheyare
  sobyimprovementsathomeorimportationfromabroad,isexactly
  thesamethingtowagesandprofits。Unlessthelabourerobtains,
  andbyanimprovementofhishabitualstandard,keeps,thewhole
  benefit,thecostoflabourislowered,andtherateofprofit
  raised。Aslongasfoodcancontinuetobeimportedforan
  increasingpopulationwithoutanydiminutionofcheapness,so
  longthedeclensionofprofitsthroughtheincreaseofpopulation
  andcapitalisarrested,andaccumulationmaygoonwithout
  makingtherateofprofitdrawnearertotheminimum。Andonthis
  grounditisbelievedbysome,thattherepealofthecornlaws
  hasopenedtothiscountryalongeraofrapidincreaseof
  capitalwithanundiminishedrateofprofit。
  Beforeinquiringwhetherthisexpectationisreasonable,one
  remarkmustbemade,whichismuchatvariancewithcommonly
  receivednotions。Foreigntradedoesnotnecessarilyin。crease
  thefieldofemploymentforcapital。Itisnotthemereopening
  ofamarketforacountry’sproductions,thattendstoraisethe
  rateofprofits。Ifnothingwereobtainedinexchangeforthose
  productionsbuttheluxuriesoftherich,theexpensesofno
  capitalistwouldbediminished;profitswouldnotbeatall
  raised,norroommadefortheaccumulationofmorecapital
  withoutsubmittingtoareductionofprofits:andifthe
  attainmentofthestationarystatewereatallretarded,itwould
  onlybebecausethediminishedcostatwhichacertaindegreeof
  luxurycouldbeenjoyed,mightinducepeople,inthatprospect,
  tomakefreshsavingsforalowerprofitthantheyformerlywere
  willingtodo。Whenforeigntrademakesroomformorecapitalat
  thesameprofit,itisbyenablingthenecessariesoflife,or
  thehabitualarticlesofthelabourer’sconsumption,tobe
  obtainedatsmallercost。Itmaydothisintwoways;bythe
  importationeitherofthosecommoditiesthemselves,orofthe
  meansandappliancesforproducingthem。Cheapironhas,ina
  certainmeasure,thesameeffectonprofitsandthecostof
  labourascheapcorn,becausecheapironmakescheaptoolsfor
  agricultureandcheapmachineryforclothing。Butaforeigntrade
  whichneitherdirectly,norbyanyindirectconsequence,
  increasesthecheapnessofanythingconsumedbythelabourers,
  doesnot,anymorethananinventionordiscoveryinthelike
  case,tendtoraiseprofitsorretardtheirfall;itmerely
  substitutestheproductionofgoodsforforeignmarkets,inthe
  roomofthehomeproductionofluxuries,leavingtheemployment
  forcapitalneithergreaternorlessthanbefore。Itistrue,
  thatthereisscarcelyanyexporttradewhich,inacountrythat
  alreadyimportsnecessariesormaterials,comeswithinthese
  conditions:foreveryincreaseofexportsenablesthecountryto
  obtainallitsimportsoncheapertermsthanbefore。
  Acountrywhich,asisnowthecasewithEngland,admitsfood
  ofallkinds,andallnecessariesandthematerialsof
  necessaries,tobefreelyimportedfromallpartsoftheworld,
  nolongerdependsonthefertilityofherownsoiltokeepupher
  rateofprofits,butonthesoilofthewholeworld。Itremains
  toconsiderhowfarthisresourcecanbecountedupon,formaking
  headduringaverylongperiodagainstthetendencyofprofitsto
  declineascapitalincreases。
  Itmust,ofcourse,besupposedthatwiththeincreaseof
  capital,populationalsoincreases;forifitdidnot,the
  consequentriseofwageswouldbringdownprofits,inspiteof
  anycheapnessoffood。SupposethenthatthepopulationofGreat
  Britaingoesonincreasingatitspresentrate,anddemandsevery
  yearasupplyofimportedfoodconsiderablybeyondthatofthe
  yearpreceding。Thisannualincreaseinthefooddemandedfrom
  theexportingcountries,canonlybeobtainedeitherbygreat
  improvementsintheiragriculture,orbytheapplicationofa
  greatadditionalcapitaltothegrowthoffood。Theformeris
  likelytobeaveryslowprocess,fromtherudenessandignorance
  oftheagriculturalclassesinthefood—exportingcountriesof
  Europe,whiletheBritishcoloniesandtheUnitedStatesare
  alreadyinpossessionofmostoftheimprovementsyetmade,so
  farassuitabletotheircircumstances。Thereremainsasa
  resource,theextensionofcultivation。Andonthisitistobe
  remarked,thatthecapitalbywhichanysuchextensioncantake
  place,ismostlystilltobecreated。InPoland,Russia,Hungary,
  Spain,theincreaseofcapitalisextremelyslow。InAmericait
  israpid,butnotmorerapidthanthepopulation。Theprincipal
  fundatpresentavailableforsupplyingthiscountrywitha
  yearlyincreasingimportationoffood,isthatportionofthe
  annualsavingsofAmericawhichhasheretoforebeenappliedto
  increasingthemanufacturingestablishmentsoftheUnitedStates,
  andwhichfreetradeincornmaypossiblydivertfromthat
  purposetogrowingfoodforourmarket。Thislimitedsourceof
  supply,unlessgreatimprovementstakeplaceinagriculture,
  cannotbeexpectedtokeeppacewiththegrowingdemandofso
  rapidlyincreasingapopulationasthatofGreatBritain;andif
  ourpopulationandcapitalcontinuetoincreasewiththeir
  presentrapidity,theonlymodeinwhichfoodcancontinuetobe
  suppliedcheaplytotheone,isbysendingtheotherabroadto
  produceit。
  8。Thisbringsustothelastofthecounter—forceswhich
  checkthedownwardtendencyofprofits,inacountrywhose
  capitalincreasesfasterthanthatofitsneighbours,andwhose
  profitsarethereforenearertotheminimum。Thisis,the
  perpetualoverflowofcapitalintocoloniesorforeigncountries,
  toseekhigherprofitsthancanbeobtainedathome。Ibelieve
  thistohavebeenformanyyearsoneoftheprincipalcausesby
  whichthedeclineofprofitsinEnglandhasbeenarrested。Ithas
  atwofoldoperation。Inthefirstplace,itdoeswhatafire,or
  aninundation,oracommercialcrisiswouldhavedone:itcarries
  offapartoftheincreaseofcapitalfromwhichthereductionof
  profitsproceeds。Secondly,thecapitalsocarriedoffisnot
  lost,butischieflyemployedeitherinfoundingcolonies,which
  becomelargeexportersofcheapagriculturalproduce,orin
  extendingandperhapsimprovingtheagricultureofolder
  communities。ItistotheemigrationofEnglishcapital,thatwe
  havechieflytolookforkeepingupasupplyofcheapfoodand
  cheapmaterialsofclothing,proportionaltotheincreaseofour
  population;thusenablinganincreasingcapitaltofind
  employmentinthecountry,withoutreductionofprofit,in
  producingmanufacturedarticleswithwhichtopayforthissupply
  ofrawproduce。Thus,theexportationofcapitalisanagentof
  greatefficacyinextendingthefieldofemploymentforthat
  whichremains:anditmaybesaidtrulythat,uptoacertain
  point,themorecapitalwesendaway,themoreweshallpossess
  andbeabletoretainathome。
  Incountrieswhicharefurtheradvancedinindustryand
  population,andhavethereforealowerrateofprofit,than
  others,thereisalways,longbeforetheactualminimumis
  reached,apracticalminimum,viz。whenprofitshavefallento
  muchbelowwhattheyareelsewhere,that,weretheytofall
  lower,allfurtheraccumulationswouldgoabroad。Inthepresent
  stateoftheindustryoftheworld,whenthereisoccasion,in
  anyrichandimprovingcountry,totaketheminimumofprofitsat
  allintoconsiderationforpracticalpurposes,itisonlythis
  practicalminimumthatneedsbeconsidered。Aslongasthereare
  oldcountrieswherecapitalincreasesveryrapidly,andnew
  countrieswhereprofitisstillhigh,profitsintheold
  countrieswillnotsinktotheratewhichwouldputastopto
  accumulation;thefallisstoppedatthepointwhichsends
  capitalabroad。Itisonly,however,byimprovementsin
  production,andevenintheproductionofthingsconsumedby
  labourers,thatthecapitalofacountrylikeEnglandis
  preventedfromspeedilyreachingthatdegreeoflownessof
  profit,whichwouldcauseallfurthersavingstobesenttofind
  employmentinthecolonies,orinforeigncountries。
  NOTES:
  1。WealthofNations,Bk。I,Ch。9。
  2。Nowsomuchbetterknownthroughhisapostolicexertions,by
  pen,purse,andperson,fortheimprovementofpopulareducation,
  andespeciallyfortheintroductionintoitoftheelementsof
  practicalPoliticalEconomy。
  3。Bkiii,Ch。XIV。
  ThePrinciplesofPoliticalEconomy
  byJohnStuartMill
  Book4
  Chapter5
  ConsequencesoftheTendencyofProfitstoaMinimum
  1。Thetheoryoftheeffectofaccumulationonprofits,laid
  downintheprecedingchapter,materiallyaltersmanyofthe
  practicalconclusionswhichmightotherwisebesupposedtofollow
  fromthegeneralprinciplesofPoliticalEconomy,andwhichwere,
  indeed,longadmittedastruebythehighestauthoritiesonthe
  subject。
  Itmustgreatlyabate,orrather,altogetherdestroy,in
  countrieswhereprofitsarelow,theimmenseimportancewhich
  usedtobeattachedbypoliticaleconomiststotheeffectswhich
  aneventorameasureofgovernmentmighthaveinaddingtoor
  subtractingfromthecapitalofthecountry。Wehavenowseen
  thatthelownessofprofitsisaproofthatthespiritof
  accumulationissoactive,andthattheincreaseofcapitalhas
  proceededatsorapidarate,astooutstripthetwo
  counter—agencies,improvementsinproduction,andincreased
  supplyofcheapnecessariesfromabroad:andthatunlessa
  considerableportionoftheannualincreaseofcapitalwere
  eitherperiodicallydestroyed,orexportedforforeign
  investment,thecountrywouldspeedilyattainthepointatwhich
  furtheraccumulationwouldcease,oratleastspontaneously
  slacken,soasnolongertooverpassthemarchofinventionin
  theartswhichproducethenecessariesoflife。Insuchastate
  ofthingsasthis,asuddenadditiontothecapitalofthe
  country,unaccompaniedbyanyincreaseofproductivepower,would
  bebutoftransitoryduration;sincebydepressingprofitsand
  interest,itwouldeitherdiminishbyacorrespondingamountthe
  savingswhichwouldbemadefromincomeintheyearortwo
  following,oritwouldcauseanequivalentamounttobesent
  abroad,ortobewastedinrashspeculations。Neither,onthe
  otherhand,wouldasuddenabstractionofcapital,unlessof
  inordinateamount,haveanyrealeffectinimpoverishingthe
  country。Afterafewmonthsoryears,therewouldexistinthe
  countryjustasmuchcapitalasifnonehadbeentakenaway。The
  abstraction,byraisingprofitsandinterest,wouldgiveafresh
  stimulustotheaccumulativeprinciple,whichwouldspeedilyfill
  upthevacuum。Probably,indeed,theonlyeffectthatwould
  ensue,wouldbethatforsometimeafterwardslesscapitalwould
  beexported,andlessthrownawayinhazardousspeculation。