Hedoesnotreallyliveinthethinairofabstractspeculation。Onthecontrary，hestartsgenerally，andsurelyisrightinstarting，withkeeninterestinthegreatreligious，ethical，andsocialproblemsofthetime。Hewishes——honestlyandeagerly——totrythembytheseveresttests，andtoholdfastonlywhatisclearlyvalid。Thedesiretoapplyhisprinciplesinfactjustifieshispursuit，andredeemshimfromthechargethatheisdelightinginbarrenintellectualsubtleties。Buttoanoutsiderhisproceduremayappearinadifferentlight。Hisrealproblemcomestobe：howtheconclusionswhichareagreeabletohisemotionscanbeconnectedwiththepostulateswhicharecongenialtohisintellect?Hemaybeabsolutelyhonestandquiteunconsciousthathisconclusionswereprearrangedbyhissympathies。Nophilosophiccreedofanyimportancehaseverbeenconstructed，wemaywellbelieve，withoutsuchsincerityandwithoutsuchplausibilityasresultsfromitscorrespondencetoatleastsomeaspectsofthetruth。Buttheresultissufficientlyshownbytheperplexedcontroversieswhicharise。Menagreeintheirconclusions，thoughstartingfromoppositepremises；orfromthesamepremisesreachthemostdivergingconclusions。Thesamecodeofpracticalmorality，itisoftensaid，isacceptedbythinkerswhodenyeachother’sfirstprinciples；dogmatismoftenappearstoitsopponentstobethorough-goingscepticismindisguise，andmenestablishvictoriouslyresultswhichturnoutintheendtobereallyastrongholdfortheirantagonists。
　　HencethereisadistinctionbetweensuchahistoryofasectasIcontemplateandahistoryofscientificinquiryorofpurephilosophy。Ahistoryofmathematicalorphysicalsciencewoulddifferfromadirectexpositionofthescience，butonlyinsofarasitwouldstatetruthsintheorderofdiscovery，notintheordermostconvenientfordisplayingthemasasystem。Itwouldshowwhatweretheprocessesbywhichtheywereoriginallyfoundout，andhowtheyhavebeenafterwardsannexedorabsorbedinsomewidergeneralisation。
　　Thesefactsmightbestatedwithoutanyreferencetothehistoryofthediscoverersorofthesocietytowhichtheybelonged。Theywouldindeedsuggestveryinterestingtopicstothegeneralhistorianor’sociologist。’Hemightbeledtoinquireunderwhatconditionsmencametoinquirescientificallyatall；whytheyceasedforcenturiestocareforscience；whytheytookupspecialdepartmentsofinvestigation；andwhatwastheeffectofscientificdiscoveriesuponsocialrelationsingeneral。Butthetwoinquirieswouldbedistinctforobviousreasons。Ifmenstudymathematicstheycanonlycometooneconclusion。Theywillfindoutthesamepropositionsofgeometryiftheyonlythinkclearlyenoughandlongenough，ascertainlyasColumbuswoulddiscoverAmericaifheonlysailedfarenough。Americawasthere，andsoinasensearethepropositions。Wemaythereforeinthiscaseentirelyseparatethetwoquestions：whatleadsmentothink?andwhatconclusionswilltheyreach?Thereasonswhichguidedthefirstdiscoverersarejustasvalidnow，thoughtheycanbemoresystematicallystated。Butinthe’moralsciences’thisdistinctionisnotequallypossible。Theintellectualandthesocialevolutionarecloselyandintricatelyconnected，andeachreactsupontheother。Inthelastresortnodoubtadefinitivesystemofbeliefonceelaboratedwouldreposeuponuniversallyvalidtruthsanddetermine，insteadofbeingdeterminedby，thecorrespondingsocialorder。Butintheconcreteevolutionwhich，wemayhope，isapproximatingtowardsthisresult，thecreedscurrentamongmankindhavebeendeterminedbythesocialconditionsaswellashelpedtodeterminethem。Togiveanaccountofthatprocessitisnecessarytospecifythevariouscircumstanceswhichmayleadtothesurvivaloferror，andtothepartialviewsoftruthtakenbymenofdifferentidiosyncrasiesworkingupondifferentdataandmovedbydifferentpassionsandprepossessions。
　　Ahistorywrittenuponthesetermswouldshowprimarilywhat，asafact，werethedominantbeliefsduringagivenperiod，andstatewhichsurvived，whichdisappeared，andwhichweretransformedorengrafteduponothersystemsofthought。Thiswouldofcourseraisethequestionofthetruthorfalsehoodofthedoctrinesaswellasoftheirvitality：forthetruthisatleastoneessentialconditionofpermanentvitality。Thedifferencewouldbethattheproblemwouldbeapproachedfromadifferentside。Weshouldaskfirstwhatbeliefshaveflourished，andafterwardsaskwhytheyflourished，andhowfartheirvitalitywasduetotheirpartialorcompletetruth。TowritesuchahistorywouldperhapsrequireanimpartialitywhichfewpeoplepossessandwhichIdonotventuretoclaim。Ihavemyownopinionsforwhichotherpeoplemayaccountbyprejudice，assumption，ordownrightincapacity。IamquiteawarethatIshallbeimplicitlycriticisingmyselfincriticisingothers。AllthatIcanprofessisthatbytakingthequestionsinthisorder，Ishallhopetofixattentionupononesetofconsiderationswhichareapt，asIfancy，tobeundulyneglected。Theresultofreadingsomehistoriesistoraisethequestion：howpeopleontheothersidecametobesuchunmitigatedfools?Whyweretheyimposeduponbysuchobviousfallacies?Thatmaybeansweredbyconsideringmorefullytheconditionsunderwhichtheopinionswereactuallyadopted，andoneresultmaybetoshowthatthoseopinionshadaconsiderableelementoftruth，andwereheldbymenwhoweretheveryoppositeoffools。AtanyrateIshalldowhatIcantowriteanaccountofthisphaseofthought，soastobringoutwhatwereitsrealtenets；towhatintellectualtypetheywerenaturallycongenial；whatwerethelimitationsofviewwhichaffectedtheUtilitarians’conceptionoftheproblemstobesolved；andwhatwerethepassionsandprepossessionsduetothecontemporarystateofsocietyandtotheirownclassposition，whichtosomedegreeunconsciouslydictatedtheirconclusions。SofarasIcandothissatisfactorily，IhopethatImaythrowsomelightupontheintrinsicvalueofthecreed，andtheplacewhichitshouldoccupyinadefinitivesystem。
　　NOTES：
　　1。TableTalk，3July1830。
　　CHAPTERI
　　POLITICALCONDITIONS
　　1。TheBritishConstitutionTheEnglishUtilitariansrepresentoneoutcomeofthespeculationscurrentinEnglandduringthelaterpartoftheeighteenthcentury。ForthereasonsjustassignedIshallbeginbybrieflyrecallingsomeofthesocialconditionswhichsettheproblemsforthecominggenerationanddeterminedthemodeofansweringthem。Imustputthemainfactsinevidence，thoughtheyareevenpainfullyfamiliar。Themostobviousstarting-pointisgivenbythepoliticalsituation。Thesupremacyofparliamenthadbeendefinitivelyestablishedbytherevolutionof1688，andhadbeenfollowedbytheelaborationofthesystemofpartygovernment。ThecentreofgravityofthepoliticalworldlayintheHouseofCommons。Noministercouldholdpowerunlesshecouldcommandamajorityinthishouse。Jealousyoftheroyalpower，however，wasstillarulingpassion。ThepartylinebetweenWhigandToryturnedostensiblyuponthisissue。TheessentialWhigdoctrineisindicatedbyDunning’sfamousresolution6April1780that’thepowerofthecrownhadincreased，wasincreasing，andoughttobediminished。’Theresolutionwasinonesenseananachronism。Asinmanyothercases，politiciansseemtobeelaboratelyslayingtheslainandguardingagainsttheattacksofextinctmonsters。TherewasscarcelymoreprobabilityunderGeorgeIIIthanthereisunderVictoriathatthekingwouldtrytoraisetaxeswithoutconsentofparliament。GeorgeIII，however，desiredtobemorethanacontrivanceforfixingthegreatsealtoofficialdocuments。Hehadgoodreasonforthinkingthattheweaknessoftheexecutivewasanevil。Thekingcouldgainpowernotbyattackingtheauthorityofparliamentbutbygaininginfluencewithinitswalls。Hemightformapartyof’king’sfriends’abletoholdthebalancebetweentheconnectionsformedbythegreatfamiliesandsobreakupthesystemofpartygovernment。Burke’sgreatspeech11Feb。1780uponintroducinghisplan’forthebettersecurityoftheindependenceofparliamentandtheeconomicalreformationofthecivilandotherestablishments’explainsthesecretandrevealsthestateofthingswhichforthenexthalfcenturywastosupplyonemainthemefortheeloquenceofreformers。Thekinghadathisdisposalavastamountofpatronage。Therewererelicsofancientinstitutions：theprincipalityofWales，theduchiesofLancasterandCornwall，andtheearldomofChester；eachwithitsrevenueandestablishmentofsuperfluousofficials。
　　Theroyalhouseholdwasacomplex’bodycorporate’foundedintheolddaysof’purveyance。’Therewasthemysterious’BoardofGreenCloth’formedbythegreatofficersandsupposedtohavejudicialaswellasadministrativefunctions。Cumbrousmedievalmachinerythusremainedwhichhadbeenformedinthetimewhenthedistinctionbetweenapublictrustandprivatepropertywasnotdefinitelydrawnorwhichhadbeenallowedtoremainforthesakeofpatronage，whenitsfunctionshadbeentransferredtoofficialsofmoremoderntype。Reformwasfoiled，asBurkeputit，becausetheturnspitintheking’skitchenwasamemberofparliament。SuchsinecuresandthepensionsonthecivillistortheIrishestablishmentprovidedthefundsbywhichthekingcouldbuildupapersonalinfluence，whichwasyetoccult，irresponsible，andcorrupt。ThemeasurepassedbyBurkein17821*madeabeginningintheremovalofsuchabuses。
　　MeanwhiletheWhigswereconvenientlyblindtoanothersideofthequestion。
　　Ifthekingcouldbuy，itwasbecausetherewereplentyofpeoplebothableandwillingtosell。BubbDodington，atypicalexampleoftheoldsystem，hadfiveorsixseatsathisdisposal：subjectonlytothenecessityofthrowingafewpoundstothe’venalwretches’whowentthroughtheformofvoting，andbydealinginwhathecallsthis’merchantableware’hemanagedbylifelongeffortstowriggleintoapeerage。TheDodingtons，thatis，soldbecausetheybought。The’venalwretches’weretheluckyfranchise-holdersinrottenboroughs。The’FriendsofthePeople’2*in1793madetheoften-repeatedstatementthat154individualsreturned307members，thatis，amajorityofthehouse。InCornwall，again，21boroughswith453electorscontrolledbyabout15individualsreturned42members，3*or，withthetwocountymembers，onlyonememberlessthanScotland；andtheScottishmemberswereelectedbyclosecorporationsinboroughsandbythegreatfamiliesincounties。
　　NowonderiftheHouseofCommonsseemedattimestobelittlemorethananexchangeforthetrafficbetweentheproprietorsofvotesandtheproprietorsofofficesandpensions。
　　ThedemandforthereformsadvocatedbyBurkeandDunningwasduetothecatastropheoftheAmericanWar。Thescandalcausedbythefamouscoalitionof1783showedthatadiminutionoftheroyalinfluencemightonlymakeroomforselfishbargainsamongtheproprietorsofparliamentaryinfluence。ThedemandforreformwastakenupbyPitt。Hisplanwassignificant。Heproposedtodisfranchiseafewrottenboroughs；buttosoftenthismeasureheafterwardssuggestedthatamillionshouldbesetasidetobuysuchboroughsasshouldvoluntarilyapplyfordisfranchisement。Theseatsobtainedweretobemainlyaddedtocountyrepresentation；butthefranchisewastobeextendedsoastoaddabout99，000votersinboroughs，andadditionalseatsweretobegiventoLondonandWestminsterandtoManchester，Leeds，Birmingham，andSheffield。
　　TheYorkshirereformers，wholedthemovement，weresatisfiedwiththismodestscheme。Theboroughproprietorswereobviouslytoostrongtobedirectlyattacked，thoughtheymightbeinducedtosellsomeoftheirpower。
　　Herewasamassofanomalies，sufficienttosupplytopicsofdenunciationfortwogenerationsofreformers，and，intime，toexcitefearsofviolentrevolution。Withoutundertakingtheeasytaskofdenouncingexplodedsystems，wemayaskwhatstateofmindtheyimplied。Ourancestorswereperfectlyconvincedthattheirpoliticalsystemwasofalmostunrivalledexcellence：
　　theyheldthattheywerefreemenentitledtolookdownuponforeignersastheslavesofdespots。Norcanwesaythattheirsatisfactionwaswithoutsolidgrounds。TheboastingaboutEnglishfreedomimpliedsomemisunderstanding。
　　Butitwasatleasttheboastofavigorousrace。Notonlywerethereindividualscapableofpatriotismandpublicspirit，butthebodypoliticwascapableofcontinuousenergy。DuringtheeighteenthcenturytheBritishempirespreadroundtheworld。UnderChathamithadbeenfinallydecidedthattheEnglishraceshouldbethedominantelementinthenewworld；ifthepoliticalconnectionhadbeenseveredbythebunglingofhissuccessors，theunbrokenspiritofthenationhadstillbeenshowninthestruggleagainstFrance，Spain，andtherevoltedcolonies；andwhatevermaybethoughtofthemotiveswhichproducedthegreatrevolutionarywars，noonecandenythequalitiesofindomitableself-relianceandhighcouragetothemenwholedthecountrythroughthetwentyyearsofstruggleagainstFrance，andforatimeagainstFrancewiththecontinentatitsfeet。IfmoralistsorpoliticaltheoristsfindmuchtocondemnintheendstowhichBritishpolicywasdirected，theymustadmitthatthequalitiesdisplayedwerenotsuchascanbelongtoasimplycorruptandmean-spiritedgovernment。
　　Oneobviousremarkisthat，onthewhole，thesystemwasaverygoodone——assystemsgo。Itallowedfreeplaytotheeffectivepoliticalforces。
　　Downtotherevolutionaryperiod，thenationasawholewascontentedwithitsinstitutions。Thepoliticalmachineryprovidedasufficientchannelforthereallyefficientforceofpublicopinion。Therewasasyetnolargeclasswhichatoncehadpoliticalaspirationsandwasunabletogainahearing。
　　Englandwasstillinthemainanagriculturalcountry：andtheagriculturallabourerwasfairlyprosperoustilltheendofthecentury，whilehisignoranceandisolationmadehimindifferenttopolitics。Theremightbeabadsquireorparson，astheremightbeabadseason；butsquireandparsonwereasmuchpartsofthenaturalorderofthingsastheweather。Thefarmeroryeomanwasnotmuchlessstolid；andhispoliticsmeantatmostachoicebetweenallegiancetooneorotherofthecountyfamilies。Ifinthetownswhichwererapidlydevelopingtherewasgrowingupadiscontentedpopulation，itsdiscontentwasnotyetdirectedintopoliticalchannels。Anextendedfranchisemeantalargerexpenditureonbeer，notthereadieracceptanceofpopularaspirations。Topossessavotewastohaveaclaimtoanoccasionalbonusratherthanarighttoinfluencelegislation。Practically，therefore，parliamentmightbetakentorepresentwhatmightbecalled’publicopinion，’foranythingthatdeservedtobecalledpublicopinionwaslimitedtotheopinionsofthegentryandthemoreintelligentpartofthemiddleclasses。Therewasnowantofcomplaintsofcorruption，proposalstoexcludeplacemenfromparliamentandthelike；andinthedaysofWilkes，Chatham，andJunius，whenthefirstsymptomsofdemocraticactivitybegantoaffectthepoliticalmovement，thediscontentmadeitselfaudibleandalarming。ButamaincharacteristicoftheEnglishreformerswastheconstantappealtoprecedent，evenintheirmostexcitedmoods。Theydonotmentiontherightsofman；theyinvokethe’revolutionprinciples’of1688；theyinsistuponthe’BillofRights’orMagnaCharta。WhenkeenlyrousedtheyrecallthefateofCharlesI；andtheirfavouritetoastisthecauseforwhichHampdendiedonthefieldandSidneyonthescaffold。Theybelieveinthejuryasthe’palladiumofourliberties’；